Georgia

The (Almost) Forgotten History of the Georgian Workers’ Resistance to Soviet Occupation

Contributed by Irakli Iremadze

In contemporary Georgia, there is a remarkable absence of collective memory regarding the anti-Soviet resistance movement, particularly the role of the working class within it. Following the Soviet occupation in the early 1920s, independent, social-democratic trade unions were disassembled. The Great Terror of 1924 and the purges of 1936–1938 resulted in the physical extermination of nearly all democratic trade union leaders, alongside the suppression of left-wing parties, closely linked to labor movements.

In place of these independent trade unions, the Soviet regime established state-controlled trade unions that functioned as extensions of the Communist Party's apparatus. Rather than advocating for workers' rights, these unions primarily served as mechanisms for enforcing state policies, integrating workers into the totalitarian system rather than representing their interests.

In the post-Soviet period, the legacy of Soviet rule, connected with a broader historical rupture, impeded the formation of authentic left-wing political parties in Georgia. The absence of institutional continuity and the deliberate elimination of pre-Soviet labor movements left little foundation upon which new labor-oriented political organizations could be built. Moreover, contemporary Georgian trade unions, in their hierarchical structure, governance style—often characterized by the prolonged tenure of leadership—and limited political engagement, closely resemble their Soviet predecessors. They operate largely in isolation from the historical traditions of independent labor movements and remain disconnected from broader political and social struggles.

Georgian Working Class Before Soviet Ocupation

The origins of the labor movement in Georgia can be traced back to the 1870s, at the early stages of industrialization in the southern territories of the Russian Empire. By the late 1880s, the formation and consolidation of worker circles was facilitated and significantly influenced by the establishment of key industrial and transportation enterprises. By the mid-1890s, the Georgian proletariat strengthened ties with the emerging Social-democratic political movement.

For nearly three decades, the Social Democrats (“Mensheviks”) served as the representatives of Georgian working class, advocating their rights and interests. Their leadership played a key role during the Revolution of 1905, as they effectively mobilized workers and peasants. After the February Revolution of 1917, the Georgian Social Democrats had gained considerable influence, not only within Georgia but also in the wider revolutionary milieu.

The establishment of the first legal trade unions within the Russian Empire occurred in 1906-1907. However, these unions quickly disappeared due to the counter-revolutionary policies of the imperial government. The re-emergence of free trade unions was only made possible following the February Revolution of 1917, culminating during the Democratic Republic of Georgia (1918 -1921). In 1918, Georgia became the first country in Europe to be led by the Social Democrats. This period saw significant worker

representation across various governmental branches. The trade unions were predominantly led by Social Democrats, approximately 90% of their leadership. By early 1921, Georgia had founded over 120 trade unions with around 65,000 workers.

Despite sustained efforts over several decades, the Bolsheviks encountered significant challenges in establishing influence within the Georgian working class. During the Red Army's occupation of Georgia in February-March 1921, thousands of workers actively opposed the Russian forces, and following the annexation of Western Georgia in March 1921, the working class organized underground anti-Soviet military circles.

Soviet Ocuppation and Workers’ Resistance (1921-1923)

In February 1921, the Soviet authorities—referring to themselves as the "Workers' Government"—were met with strong hostility from Tbilisi's workers, refusing to collaborate with them. In response of this, the communists issued a call in early March for the establishment of new trade unions and conferences, deliberately excluding the Social Democrats from participating in the elections. The newly formed trade unions saw less than 10% worker participation in these formalized elections, highlighting the fact that the opposition to the Soviet regime continued even after the occupation.

The Soviet government’s most effective weapon against workers' resistance was mass dismissals. Between February 1921 and early 1922, approximately 900 workers were fired from the tram workshop, the majority of whom were ethnic Georgians. As May 1, 1921, approached, workers’ demonstrations prompted the regime to launch mass arrests. By May 1, 1921, the repression reached its peak, with approximately 1,000 Social Democrats arrested across Georgia.

On July 5, 1921, a spontaneous protest organized by social-democrats and others at the Nadzaladevi Workers' Club, where Joseph Stalin was visiting, resulted in severe implications. By July 13, 1921, 72 workers were arrested. That same month, the Cheka dismissed 4,374 railway workers and forcibly relocated approximately 1,000 workers to various regions of Soviet Russia. 

Amidst these challenges, in July 1921, Tbilisi workers engaged in underground activities within the country while also appealing to workers across Europe for support. In their letter, they wrote: "We, the workers of Georgia, who have a long history of movements and professional and social organizations, have not endured such a terrible regime even during the reactionary rule of Tsarism. The extreme conditions brought upon us by five months of Bolshevik violence compel us to inform the working class worldwide of our unbearable suffering, all being carried out in the name of socialism." This appeal was signed by 3,449 workers

In response to the letters, European socialist organizations expressed solidarity and agreed to send a delegation to investigate the situation in Georgia. However, the Bolshevik authorities denied the foreign imperialist interference in domestic affairs.

The workers' resistance culminated on October 24, 1921, when Tbilisi workers submitted a memorandum to Budu Mdivani, chairman of the Revolutionary Committee (Revkom). The document outlined eight key demands:

1. Restoration of Georgia’s independence and protection of the Georgian language,
2. Withdrawal of Russian troops from Georgia and the establishment of a Georgian army,
3. Freedom of workers’ organizations, assembly, speech, press, elections, and protection of homes and personal safety,
4. Immediate improvement of workers' material conditions to prevent their families from starving,
5. Ending the dismissal and forced exile of workers,
6. Elimination of abuses by foreign officials,
7. Ceasing Russian military executions in Georgian villages, and
8. Release of political refugees and prisoners. Mdivani refused to meet with the workers, and the delegation was captured and arrested by the Cheka.

In response, the workers issued an ultimatum demanding the release of the prisoners or threatening to go on strike. On November 1, 1921, they organized a one-day strike on the railway. The Soviet government retaliated by arresting more workers on November 3-4. From June 1 to November 1, 1921, the Cheka arrested approximately 850 workers, with an additional 400 arrested following the strike on November 1.

In late March 1922, Julius Braunthal, editor of the Austrian Social Democratic newspaper Arbeiter-Zeitung, visited Georgia on a humanitarian mission. During his three-week visit, Braunthal also met with Georgian Social Democrats. In his letters, Braunthal reported that between the Soviet occupation and April 1922, approximately 7,000 Social Democrats, primarily workers, were imprisoned intermittently or continuously without cause. According to his account, on April 12, 1922 alone, 300 Social Democratic workers were arrested in anticipation of potential large demonstrations ahead of the Genoa Conference.

Victor Servi, a leader of the international cooperative movement who visited Georgia in 1922, painted an even more terrible picture in his reports. In addition to detailing the repressive measures, Servi highlighted the severe living conditions of Georgian workers. Soviet authorities dismissed his visit as an intelligence operation orchestrated by Mensheviks.

In April 1922, a significant event for Georgian Social Democrats and workers unfolded in Berlin: the United Conference of International Socialist Organizations (the Second and Third Socialist International). However, the conference failed due to disruptive actions by the communists.

Since March 1921, the Soviet regime in Georgia had banned the free press. However, by 1922, with the financial assistance and donations from workers, the Committee succeeded in underground publishing two illegal newspapers, Voice of Georgia and Our Unity.

Since 1922, active preparations for an anti-Soviet uprising were initiated in Georgia by the Parity Committee. Central to the planning and execution of the uprising were the Social Democrats. Over the course of the next two years, the Soviet Cheka, captured and repressed those associated with the party and the broader anti-Soviet movement.

The 1924 Anti-Soviet Uprising

On August 28, 1924, the Anti-Soviet uprising in Georgia commenced one day earlier than initially planned, in Western Georgia, in the industrial town of Chiatura. The town saw a resistance of the predominantly Social Democratic workforce against Soviet rule. This premature outbreak of the uprising, and limited coordination across the Eastern Georgia, played into the hands of the Soviet authorities. However, the uprising in Western Georgia persisted for several days and resulted in the temporary disruption of Soviet authority in certain regions.

The defeat of the 1924 uprising was followed by a brutal and systematic repressions by the Soviet authorities. On August 30, 1924, the leaders of the Social Democratic Party were executed. The total number of individuals executed in 1924 reached 3,918. 14

Estimates of the number of individuals executed during the aftermath of the 1924 uprising vary significantly, with some foreign scholars, such as Braunthal, citing figures as high as 8,000 to 12,000 victims. However, the Soviet government of Georgia, under intense criticism both from Moscow and international observers, reported that 890 individuals were executed.

The consolidation of the Soviet Rule in Georgia came at a tremendous human cost, with thousands of individuals subjected to violent repression, resulting in their physical elimination. The workers’ resistance remains largely forgotten in Georgian history. However, 1924 uprising, through a lens of political narratives, often overlooks the contributions of thousands of individuals, instrumental in its planning and execution.

Manifesto of the Movement for Social Democracy

Contributed by Irakli Iremadze

Since 2024, Georgia has seen the organization of a new Movement for Social Democracy demanding protections for trade unions, fair and free elections, government accountability, civil rights, and opposition to the corrupt and disputed presidency of Mikheil Kavelasvili. Their manifesto follows: 

"We are witnessing the birth of a new Georgia. In opposition to injustice, despair, and voicelessness, we have transformed our anger into care, our pain – into solidarity and action. We are on the verge of a total transformation, beyond which we see a nascent country.

We see a country where instead of exclusion, hatred, and fear, we sow the seeds of an egalitarian society;

We see a country where every individual plays a role in shaping its destiny and citizens build democracy through direct daily engagement;

We see a country where politics are no longer dominated by money, falsehood, and propaganda; where the state is subservient to the will of the people, rather than the interests of the few.

We see a country where the ruling of a corrupt judge will not imprison a child, who is the only source of care for an ailing parent; where the law equally protects the strong and the weak.

We see a country where power is fairly distributed and we are the masters of the fates of our regions, cities, and villages.

We see a country where children never suffer hunger, where no one is forced to endure unfair working conditions to afford tuition;

We see a country where no one is evicted from their home; where the elderly are valued and provided for with decent pensions, enjoying a dignified old age;

We see a country where people work not for survival, but for fulfilment; where labor does not threaten our health and our lives; where no one is forced to go into debt in order to afford medical care; where quality healthcare is accessible to all;

We see a country where no one is forced to immigrate in search of their next meal and basic material security;

We see a country where all citizens are equally protected, regardless of age, gender, sexuality, ability, ethnicity, or religious belief;

We see a country where youth is not sacrificed to drug addiction, alcoholism, and gambling.

We see a country where neither the consumption nor the production of art is a privilege; where wisdom passed down through tradition transforms into new knowledge.

We see a country where the barbed wire of occupied territories no longer cuts through our courtyards and orchards;

We see a country where our cultural heritage is protected from negligence and greed; where no one can seize our villages and nature for their own personal gain.

We see our fertile lands bearing fruit, our rivers flowing free, our people dancing to polyphonic songs.

Such a country is possible only through democracy, but there is no democracy unless it is social.

Until now, our engagement with democracy has been reduced to the act of voting. Democracy must move beyond this basic right to become a daily, collaborative process. For this to happen, we need to have decent living conditions – proper food, housing, work, education and healthcare. The fight for the dignity of our conditions must expand into persistent work towards common welfare. The existing order, which disempowers citizens and produces only poverty and inequality, needs to change.

Our ancestors, who fought against the Russian Empire, called this aspiration ‘Social Democracy’. Their efforts, incarnated in the form of the First Republic, have taught us that socialism and democracy are inseparable. This belief, like the First Republic itself, fell victim to the Soviet occupation, which left us with socialism without democracy.

Since the restoration of independence in 1991, Georgia’s history has been a chronicle of the plundering of its people, its nature, and the remaining Soviet infrastructure. The entirety of the current political elite consists of those who are complicit in this history, and are therefore incapable of offering solutions. Due to their inherently anti-egalitarian nature, all governments that have emerged from this political elite eventually degenerated into authoritarianism and began setting people against each other as a means to maintaining power.

The previous regime condemned swaths of our society to misery and trampled on their dignity, all in the name of ‘liberty.’ The Georgian Dream, under the pretense of ‘national sovereignty’, propagates fear and hatred of imaginary enemies, legalizes terror, and forces us to make peace with injustice in the name of ‘peace’.

To justify all this, the oligarch who has seized our country seeks to convince us that he is no different than other oligarchs around the world, who have normalized the subjugation of the weak by the strong, the irreversible destruction of nature, and the violation of international law. As a result, the Georgian Dream seeks allies among the world’s anti-democratic forces, leaving us powerless in the face of Russia’s imperial ambitions.

We are not going to wait for the owners of the world to decide the fate of our country. Both civil peace and national security require a strong unity of informed citizens, common sense and mutual care. We need social democracy! In today’s world, building a social democratic state is only possible within the European framework and only through our persistent will and work.

We see each other.

We come together.

We stand shoulder to shoulder.

We begin moving towards social democracy."