Turkey

Contributed by Yasemin Yonca Cetin (Ruhr-Universität Bochum)

In Turkey, the years following 1980 were marked by significant political upheavals, economic crises, and state repression. The military coup of September 12, 1980 represented a turning point in the history of the labor movement and Turkish trade unions. After the overthrow of the government, all political parties were banned, and leading politicians were barred from political activity for extended periods. During this time, over 650,000 people were arrested, thousands were tortured and more than 170 individuals lost their lives. The left-wing Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions of Turkey (DİSK) was one of over 23,500 organizations dissolved and banned in the aftermath of the coup. This was due to its regime-critical and Marxist orientation.

The 1980 coup d’état and the subsequent repression significantly altered the structure of the labor movement, leading to the fragmentation of various trade union confederations. In the years that followed, power dynamics among major confederations, such as DİSK, the Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions (TÜRK-İŞ), the Confederation of Justice Workers' Unions (HAK-İŞ), and the Confederation of Nationalist Workers' Unions (MİSK), shifted dramatically due to political developments, ideological realignments, and state interventions.

In 1982, the military regime under General Kenan Evren introduced a new constitution via referendum, which expanded the powers of the National Security Council and placed it under military control, granting it significant authority in foreign and security policy. In the 1983 parliamentary elections, the liberal-conservative Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi), led by Turgut Özal, won the majority. This party later evolved into a coalition of conservative, religious, nationalist, and economically liberal forces, taking over the reins of government.

Additionally, in 1983 labor legislation was redefined through Trade Union Law No. 2821 and Collective Bargaining, Strike, and Lockout Law No. 2822. These laws imposed stricter conditions on union formation and significantly curtailed the right to strike. To engage in collective bargaining, a trade union had to represent at least 10% of workers in an industry and more than 50% of workers within a specific enterprise. These regulations effectively prevented the establishment of unions outside the pro-government TÜRK-İŞ.

Turkish Trade-Unions

TÜRK-İŞ

The Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions (TÜRK-İŞ) was established with substantial U.S. support during the Cold War, aimed at fostering anti-communist organizations. This support, however, was closely coordinated with the Turkish government, which used the confederation for its own political purposes. The government controlled the confederation not only through the restrictive Trade Union Act of 1947 but also politically by influencing the composition of its leadership. Senior officials from TÜRK-İŞ frequently ran for political office under ruling parties such as the Democrat Party (DP) and the Justice Party (AP), placing them in a loyalty relationship with the government. Consequently, independent trade union activities were impossible. The dependency on U.S. funding further strengthened these ties, as the support was conditional on an anti-communist and pro-government stance.

The union was primarily utilized by its leadership as a financial resource and as a platform for far-right groups. This became evident through the organization of a rally by TÜRK-İŞ following the founding of the Turkish Workers' Party (TİP), during which the party’s founders and leaders were denounced as communists. Internally TÜRK-İŞ also acted repressively: in 1966 executives deliberately blocked the candidacy of individuals from the progressive and critical wing of the labor movement during leadership elections. These events exemplify the political involvement of the confederation.

The political involvement of TÜRK-İŞ stemmed from several factors. Firstly, there were personal ties to the government: senior officials of TÜRK-İŞ frequently ran for office under the Democrat Party (DP) and Justice Party (AP), fostering dependency and hindering independent trade unionism. Secondly, the ideological orientation of the confederation played a significant role. TÜRK-İŞ was established with substantial U.S. assistance to create an anti-communist and nationalist front that aligned with the goals of the Turkish government and its Western allies during the Cold War. This stance was evident in its active opposition to progressive movements. In 1967 opposition trade unionists left TÜRK-İŞ and founded the Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions of Turkey (DİSK).

Between 1973 and 1977 social-democratic member unions were excluded from TÜRK-İŞ's leadership bodies, prompting many to join DİSK. After the military coup of 1980, TÜRK-İŞ’s political orientation became evident once again: while oppositional confederations such as DİSK, HAK-İŞ, and MİSK were banned; TÜRK-İŞ welcomed the decision. The confederation published a statement in its union journal (Issue 139, October 1980), expressing support for the coup and the new political order. Additionally, TÜRK-İŞ supported the labor reforms introduced by the junta, which significantly restricted the right to strike and the freedoms of trade unions. These examples illustrate that TÜRK-İŞ's political involvement was not only ideologically motivated but also actively used to weaken opposition movements and promote a conservative union policy.

After the military coup of 1980, opposition trade union confederations such as DİSK, HAK-İŞ, and MİSK were banned as they were perceived as threats to the stability of the new regime. The military regime pursued a restrictive policy toward unions that did not align with its ideological orientation and ensured that TÜRK-İŞ remained the only active confederation. During the ban, leading officials from DİSK were prosecuted, many members were either arrested or forced to join TÜRK-İŞ unions. This strengthened TÜRK-İŞ’s position significantly, as it was under government control and aligned with a pro-government stance.

However, the regime's attitude toward unions like HAK-İŞ and MİSK began to change in the early 1980s. These confederations were allowed to resume their activities after aligning ideologically with the regime's restrictive conditions. HAK-İŞ was able to resume operating in 1981, followed by MİSK in 1984. In contrast the left-wing confederation DİSK remained banned until 1991, as its Marxist and regime-critical orientation conflicted with the conservative course of the regime.

With DİSK’s return in 1991 a renewed rivalry between TÜRK-İŞ and DİSK emerged, which continues to this day. During this time TÜRK-İŞ emphasized its role as the sole active confederation and occasionally ignored the return of other confederations, such as DİSK, in its publications. The structural weakness of the Turkish labor movement persisted, particularly due to the restrictive provisions of the Trade Union Law No. 2821 and the Collective Bargaining, Strike, and Lockout Law No. 2822. These laws severely restricted freedom of association and favored the pro-government TÜRK-İŞ. Consequently the problems introduced by the 1980 legislation were not addressed until their reform at the end of 2012.

DİSK

The Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions of Turkey (DİSK) was founded on February 13, 1967, following a strike at a glass factory, which led to a split within the Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions (TÜRK-İŞ). DİSK primarily focused on organizing private-sector employees and adopted a markedly more radical and militant stance. In contrast to DİSK, TÜRK-İŞ, which had been established as a trade union confederation in 1952, adhered to an officially non-partisan position. DİSK rejected this stance and openly supported the Turkish Workers’ Party (TİP), several of whose founding members were also leaders of DİSK. Additionally, DİSK opposed the U.S.-style trade union model and instead sought to build a mass movement rooted in class struggle.

In the late 1970s, DİSK members increasingly became targets of violent attacks by right-wing paramilitary groups and state security forces. This violence was part of a broader political escalation in Turkey, during which left-wing organizations and unions like DİSK were systematically oppressed. Simultaneously ultranationalist groups such as the Grey Wolves played a central role in these attacks, often with tacit approval or even support from parts of the state apparatus. One of the most tragic events was the attack on the May Day rally in 1977 at Taksim Square in Istanbul, where 36 people were killed. On July 22, 1980, Kemal Türkler, the former president of DİSK, was assassinated outside of his home.

Following the military coup in the same year, DİSK was not only banned, but all its assets were confiscated. The confederation announced this decision in its union journal's special issue for May, June, and July 1980, which is accessible in the union archive online.

To mark its 24th anniversary in 1991, DİSK published a special edition in which it explained the reasons for its ban.

The last issue of the DİSK journal was published in August 1980. In this final edition, the work of the 7th General Council and the assassination of former DİSK president Kemal Türkler by fascists were the main topics. It emphasized the importance of fighting fascist terror and oppression. Then came the military coup on September 12^th. Baseless and legally unsupported cases were opened against DİSK and its affiliated unions. The leaders, workplace representatives, and members of DİSK and its unions were arrested, tortured during interrogations, and imprisoned. More than ten years have passed. The illegal prohibition preventing DİSK and its affiliated unions from resuming their activities continues, in clear violation of ILO (International Labour Organization) principles and international law.

The intention was not to prosecute the unions themselves, but rather a specific trade union philosophy that employers could never accept and referred to as 'ideological.' This trade union philosophy, independent of employers, political power, and the state, adheres to the principle that the grassroots have the authority and decision-making power, integrates trade union activity with democratic discourse, and defends workers' right to political struggle as a class. Despite everything, it could not be eradicated.

With its approach that enables workers to gain their true identity in the workplace and demonstrate their social power, DİSK continues to exist in every way except its physical presence. The principles that define DİSK remain the central objectives of workers to this day."

Since December 1991, DİSK has been able to resume its activities, but restrictive trade union laws ensured that the confederation could not regain its former influence.

Today, DİSK has recovered from its earlier setbacks and, by the 2000s, had grown to become the third-largest trade union confederation in Turkey by membership.

MİSK

The Confederation of Nationalist Workers' Unions (MİSK) was founded in 1970 by the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) under the name Milli İş. During the National Front government in 1975, it received state support. The confederation was established as an opposition to the Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions of Turkey (DİSK) and aimed to combat both its labor movement and the broader left. The founding unions and later members of MİSK were primarily workplace-based unions from Anatolian regions, where the nationalist movement was particularly strong. Between 1976 and 1978, during the period when the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) participated in the coalition government, MİSK's influence in workplaces grew significantly.

MİSK’s activities were halted after the military coup of September 12, 1980. However no legal proceedings were initiated against the confederation. In 1984 MİSK was permitted to resume its activities. Over the years MİSK engaged in practices such as falsifying membership lists, violating regulations, and undergoing several name and location changes. Despite these efforts, MİSK faced ongoing membership decline and was reestablished in 1994 under its original name, with its headquarters moved to Ankara.

MİSK has consistently adhered to a "nationalist trade union approach" and openly acknowledged that its political doctrine aligned with that of the MHP (Nationalist Movement Party). The confederation’s concept of nationalist trade unionism was articulated in the report of its second congress:

“According to the nationalist doctrine, in contrast to liberal and marxist doctrines, workers and employers are not two mutually hostile classes, but two complementary elements of national production... The state as a „national state" protects both the worker and the employer at equal terms. The basic question here is the augmentation of national production, development, and the share of the worker from the increased national income. Therefore the workers have to unite in powerful organizations... This can only be possible with just one union in each branch... If the principle of pluralism in unions is accepted, unions will be founded according to different ideologies and political doctrines... The principle of compulsory membership: The obligation of all workers in one branch to affiliate to the union founded in that branch is called compulsory unionism. In this way all members of a profession will have a protector, a defender...”

Due to its inability to gain influence, MİSK dissolved itself. However on March 1, 2021, MİSK was reestablished under the name Yeniden MİSK (Reformed MİSK) in Adana to represent the interests of nationalist workers in Turkey. As early as July 1994, only 2 out of 6 MİSK-affiliated unions had registered their membership, which totaled 5,959 members. By January 1995, the number of affiliated unions had risen to 7, with total membership increasing to 7,488. Throughout its existence, MİSK has consistently maintained its "nationalist trade union approach."

HAK-İŞ

As trade unions' influence on politics grew, HAK-İŞ, an Islamist-oriented trade union confederation, was founded on October 22, 1976. It represented a coalition of the conservative Islamic movement within the workforce. The union’s connection to Islam was symbolized in its initial logo.

The logo of the union, which was closely aligned with the National Salvation Party (MSP), featured a factory chimney and a minaret, completing a crescent moon (Hilal) into a full moon. In its statutes, HAK-İŞ emphasized solidarity between workers and employers while rejecting communism, Zionism, and fascism, which it described as "three tyrannical systems with foreign roots." It declared that its struggle was grounded in moral values, a thousand-year history, and national unity. HAK-İŞ also proposed investing members' contributions into the establishment of companies in which workers would directly participate. Until the 1980s, the union played a relatively minor role in the labor movement. Through its close ties to the MSP (National Salvation Party), HAK-İŞ-affiliated unions were able to organize with the support of public enterprises under ministries led by the party within coalition governments.

After the 1980 military intervention, HAK-İŞ was initially dissolved but was permitted to resume its activities on February 18, 1981, just one year later. During the ban on DİSK, many former DİSK unionists continued their activities under the umbrella of HAK-İŞ. Under the military regime, workers' rights were severely curtailed, which allowed HAK-İŞ to broaden its organizational base and further intensify its Islamic-oriented policies. Two factors contributed to this growth: dissatisfaction with the passive stance of TÜRK-İŞ toward government policies and the new economic policies, which led to drastic wage and salary reductions after 1980. The restricted legal position of workers under the military government enabled HAK-İŞ to expand its reach and solidify its Islamic political orientation.

In 1989, HAK-İŞ changed its logo to a gearwheel adorned with a crescent moon and an olive branch.

The confederation was closely aligned with the Welfare Party (RP), which was dissolved in early 1998. After Necati Çelik, who later became HAK-İŞ president in 1998, was elected to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in 1995, he served as Minister of Labor and Social Security during the coalition government between the Welfare Party (RP) and the True Path Party (DYP). Although HAK-İŞ’s applications for membership in the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) were initially rejected in 1993, the confederation was eventually admitted to the ETUC in December 1997, following initial reluctance.

Many scholars argue that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), in power since 2002, has supported HAK-İŞ due to ideological proximity. This support is cited as a major reason for the rapid growth of the confederation since 2010. By 2013, HAK-İŞ's share of total union membership in Turkey increased from 17% to 36%, adding nearly half a million new members.

Future Outlooks

A key issue for the future of Turkish trade unions will be addressing the ideological differences among the various confederations. While HAK-İŞ and TÜRK-İŞ have traditionally maintained closer ties with the government, DİSK, for instance, positions itself in opposition. These tensions make it difficult to form a united political front and diminish the influence of trade unions on policymaking. If the confederations can overcome their ideological differences and collaborate more closely on key issues such as labor rights and employee representation, they could present a unified and stronger representation of workers' interests. However, without such rapprochement, the fragmentation of the trade union movement will likely remain an obstacle to stronger political advocacy.

The role of the government will continue to be crucial in determining the influence of trade unions. Since the 2000s, HAK-İŞ has gained significant prominence under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), thanks to ideological alignment. This proximity has allowed HAK-İŞ to expand its membership significantly through close political ties. The support it has received has enabled HAK-İŞ to expand into sectors where it previously lacked influence, particularly in the area of public contractors. As long as this political alignment persists, HAK-İŞ is likely to remain a key player in Turkey’s trade union landscape. However, any shifts in the political environment could affect both the influence and stability of HAK-İŞ.

On the other hand, oppositional trade unions such as DİSK face the challenge of strengthening their position despite political repression and state-imposed restrictions. The experiences of recent decades show that, despite facing continuous repression, DİSK remains an active player in Turkey’s trade union movement. Given the ongoing political uncertainty and growing authoritarianism, it remains to be seen whether DİSK and similar unions can maintain their oppositional stance while also expanding their membership base.

Contributed by Ela Gül (Ruhr-Universität Bochum)

The role of women in the history of the Turkish trade union movement has been characterized by both challenges and progress. Women have played an important role in various stages of Turkish trade union history, particularly as key actors in the Novamed strike, although they have often faced significant obstacles.

In the early years of the Turkish trade union movement, women were largely under-represented. This was due to several factors, including social and cultural norms that confined women to domestic roles, as well as general discrimination in the workplace. These barriers meant that women were often unable to unionize or take on leadership positions. As industrial work was often male-dominated, women had limited influence and were therefore rarely represented in the early years.

A 2001 study by the International Confederation of Trade Unions (ICFTU), which is also applicable to Turkish conditions, identifies five main reasons why women do not organize: Ignorance of the benefits of membership, lack of time due to housework, lack of effort on the part of trade unions, prejudice against trade unions and the belief that trade unions cannot represent their needs. Despite these challenges, there have also been successful examples of women organizing in trade unions. One notable example is the strike at Novamed in Antalya, where women fought against poor working conditions and discrimination. This strike showed both the women's ability to mobilize and the difficulties they faced, such as threats and blackmail by employers who forced women to resign their union membership.

There has also been significant progress in the public sector, particularly in areas such as education. The founding of the trade union umbrella organization KESK in 1995 contributed to a stronger representation of women's political and feminist issues. This led to greater participation by women certain trade unions, although there have been setbacks here too, as the debate about sexual assault within the union shows.

In 2011, women continued to be underrepresented in the Turkish trade union movement. The most of unionized women worked in precarious and unprotected employment, especially in agriculture and the informal sector. The trade unions often had difficulties in addressing the specific needs of women and promoting their active participation. Eylem Ates, a long-time trade unionist, suggests that trade unions should begin to represent women's concerns more strongly and offer them more opportunities for active participation. This includes the introduction of quota regulations, protective measures against assault and discrimination, and specific demands in collective bargaining, such as parental leave instead of just maternity leave.