Belgium

Contributed by Donald Weber

The Belgian trade union movement emerged in the mid-19th century. In 1842, typesetters in Brussels established the first permanent trade union—a challenging feat, given that legislation adopted from France mandated that industry and labour remain entirely unregulated. Nevertheless, the authorities took a lenient approach toward skilled workers, whose control over the labour market allowed them to earn enough to avoid relying on public welfare. Factory workers, by contrast, faced active obstruction; for instance, textile unions founded in Ghent in the late 1850s were forced to disguise themselves as mutual aid societies.

The ban on collective action was repealed in 1866, though this was accompanied by a new law that placed restrictions on strikes. This led to a surge in union activity, with labour organizations springing up across an increasing number of industries. Many, however, proved short-lived; only those representing skilled workers in urban areas managed to endure. In the industrial south—Wallonia—many unions for miners, glassworkers, and metalworkers collapsed following strikes that either failed or were met with bloody repression. At that time, Flanders was a predominantly Catholic, rural society, with the exception of the industrial hub of Ghent.

In the 1880s, the trade union movement gained new momentum. The Belgian Workers' Party (BWP), founded in 1885, bolstered the movement by championing specific socio-economic demands, such as the abolition of child and female labour and a reduction in working hours. In 1898, the BWP established a Trade Union Commission (Syndikale Kommissie, SK) to serve as an umbrella organization for all socialist trade unions. However, influenced by French revolutionary syndicalism—which took a dim view of the BWP’s reformism—the Walloon unions remained on the sidelines. The BWP also promoted a process of centralization, in which trade unions organized first by profession and subsequently by industry. Around 1890, Christian and liberal trade unions also emerged in Flanders and Brussels.

Immediately following the First World War, the trade union movement experienced unprecedented growth. Through its participation in government during and after the war, the BWP was able to implement its platform starting in 1918: politically, it secured universal suffrage, and in socio-economic terms, the eight-hour workday. Restrictions on the right to strike were lifted. The strikes that followed laid the foundation for a system of social dialogue at the sectoral level (joint committees). After 1918, the government also began subsidizing union-run unemployment funds, which made union membership highly attractive.

As a result, Belgium today still maintains a trade union density rate of approximately 50%. The trade union landscape has also remained pluralistic. In 2026, the Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (ACV) had over 1.5 million members, while the socialist Belgian General Federation of Labour (ABVV) had slightly fewer. The ACV is dominant in Flanders, whereas the ABVV is strongest in the more militant region of Wallonia. In addition, Belgium has a liberal trade union, Synova, with over 300,000 members, as well as several independent professional unions. Throughout this period, the process of centralization continued unabated; today, the ABVV consists of only six industrial unions.

Around 1950, the system of social dialogue was extended to the level of individual companies and to the national level. Following the Second World War, Belgian trade unions were integrated into the socioeconomic machinery of the Belgian state; they hold seats on socioeconomic advisory boards, participate in the administration of the social security system, serve as judges in labour courts, and so on. Belgian trade unions also adapted to the country’s regionalization, acting as a counterweight to the political and socioeconomic policies of the regional authorities. Furthermore, they are members of international trade union organizations that—at a supranational level (such as within the European Union)—similarly serve as a counterweight.